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Justifying Educational Language Rights
Not so long ago, we seemed to be making progress on the question of how to incorporate meaningfully the cultural and linguistic backgrounds of our increasingly diverse school student population. In the 1990s, multicultural and bilingual educational approaches were becoming commonplace in modern liberal democracies (Banks & Banks, 2004; May, 1999, 2009). Similarly, multiculturalism appeared to be gaining widespread acceptance as a public policy response to the burgeoning diversity of state populations in an era of rapid globalization and related transmigration (Kymlicka,2001, 2007; Parekh, 2000). Both developments built on a history of nearly 50 years of advocacy of multicultural and bilingual education, and wider state policies of inclusion for minority groups, which had its genesis in the U.S. Civil Rights movement but had extended to other Western countries, including Canada, Britain, Australia, and New Zealand. Even critics of multiculturalism conceded its impact on public policy at that time, particularly within education—a wearied resignation most notably captured in Nathan Glazer’s (1998) phrase, “We are all multiculturalists now.” Multiculturalism,at least in Glazer’s view, had finally “won” because the issue of greater public representation
for minority groups was increasingly commonplace in discussions of democracy and representation in the civic realm—including, centrally, within schools (see, e.g.,Goldberg, 1994; Kymlicka, 1995; Taylor, 1994).
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